FROM PACHO TO PIAZZOLLA
TALES OF TANGO HISTORY
Copyright (c) 1997-98 Planet
Tango. All rights reserved
Introduction
There is only one documented testimony, dated
September 22, 1913, and published on the newspaper Critica under the title of Tango,
its evolution and its history. History of times past. Who established it. The identity of the writer has
never been revealed, and he is only known by the nickname he used to sign the
article, Viejo Tanguero.
According to Jose Gobello, president of the Academia
del Lunfardo in
Buenos Aires
,
and a prolific writer about Tango subjects, Viejo Tanguero seemed to be
a highly educated individual with a natural talent for writing. More important
than Viejo Tanguero's education and writing abilities, is the date in
which his testimony was published. Indeed, in 1913 almost everyone who
witnessed the birth of the Tango and had been dancing it from day one, were
still alive. We can assume then that it was not possible to digress, to
fantasize or to doctor memories, without one being exposed to be challenged or
contradicted. To this day, nobody has ever produced any evidence that any of Viejo
Tanguero's testimonies had been contradicted or questioned.
My good friend Acho Manzi, the son
of the great poet Homero Manzi, once said, "all the stories written about Tango are tales interpreted
and repeated by people who read them or heard them from someone
else." In other words, there aren't "original documents" that
some lucky Joe has kept to substantiate
discourses on Tango history. The Argentine Tango appeared in
Buenos Aires
as an
urban expression severely condemned because of its extravagant representation
of the slums and its most undesirable characters.
Before and after Viejo Tanguero's testimony, nobody seemed to give
historical recognition to the hybrid product of a marginal sector of
society.
What I have intended to chronicle in these
ongoing series of articles published in El Firulete, The Argentine Tango Magazine,
are tales of Tango history based on personal experience and an educated
interpretation of existing publications, personal conversations with
others who also heard stories from others, but above all I chose to
draw a chronological line between two bandoneon players who besides sharing a
recognized talent and an uncanny spirit of innovation more than
fifty years apart, they also shared personal behavior that some
considered somehow crazy. Juan Maglio was called "loco" by his
father. The original Italian expression got transformed by the street lingo
into Pacho. Astor Piazzolla had to be crazy to take the
Tango and transform it in such a way that some would say,
that is not Tango. He then, would ask, "which is the music of
Buenos Aires
?"
The obvious answer was, Tango. Then he'd add, "What I write and play is
the music of
Buenos Aires
."
Crazy, isn't?
Chapter I
By the time we take a new step our past has been
augmented by a great number of memories. Everything that belongs there no
longer can be assumed automatically to be true and factual because many
internal and external factors affect the recollection and description of events
that have been internalized through our own personal set of values at the time.
At the turn of the century, Tango was for many
individuals something that added character to their personalities. Being a man
of Tango meant to be a man of
Buenos
Aires
. To have a way to be, to
think, to feel, to understand life. In many ways it was the rebellious
lifestyle that the younger generation chose to feel porteño to the deepest
roots of their existence. Today, the dubious brothel origin attributed to the
early Tango is still a motive of lively discussions among the practitioners of
the music of
Buenos Aires
.
Some understand the times and circumstances surrounding the embryonic process
that began forging the first recognizable steps of the Tango. Others, in an
obvious state of denial, attempt to reflect their own personal experiences at a
much later date to cleanse the sins of Tango. There is nothing new under the
sun.
Way back then, middle class families were divided
among those who tolerate and the prohibitionists. The latter ones to this day
consider the dance of Tango an expression of people of low class. The kind of
people that populated the sordid suburbs where the violent joy of the desire to
live, coexisted with the strident sexuality and the lewd freedom that burned in
the nocturnal slums. What fueled the intolerance of the prohibitionists was
their perception that the tide of rumors coming from the slums did not
represent typical people but the malandrinaje, the scroundel, the roguish
element. Tango was not merely a music, a song, a
popular and a familiar dance for certain happy hours. It was a representation
of the worst elements of society. A consequence of the
pandering and amoral character of the Tango dancing compadrito, the insolent
braggart, show-off bully of the suburbs. In other words, Tango offended
the deepest dignity of the nation.
Around 1880-1885
Buenos Aires
had a population of about two
hundred and fifty thousand souls. By the turn of the century the population
exploded to over a million and a half. This was the result of the arrival of a
massive wave of immigrants. The consequences of such an accelerated development
were the throngs of young uneducated people that invaded the streets of the big
hamlet that was created to be a fortress and unwillingly was becoming a city
that was not supposed to be. The sudden invaders arrived with hurricane-force
carnal appetites, lacking scruples of the moral kind. They could afford total
freedom for dishonest adventures fueled by temptations and stimulus for their
lowest instinctive passions. Besides, the city was loaded with wealth so in the
slums it became a paramount qualification to be able to make easy money and to
have the intrinsic talent to spend it as well.
In today's global world, we could feel sorry for
the way the old "porteños vivos", the street wise, flippant
inhabitant of the outskirts of
Buenos
Aires
, ignored the facts of life. But, there is
something in the intrinsic essence of Tango that encourages a desire to imitate
the language, the habits, the costumes, the manners, in a word, the worst
traits of the compadritos. To be "vivo" did not mean to be alive but
to be part of reality lest to be labeled a "gil", somebody not part
of that reality. So, it was within the realm of secondary passions and habits
of the real compadrito to be a great bailarin of Tango. As a matter of fact, a
great number of musicians and dancers of Tango were themselves pimping
compadritos. They attracted the prostitutes with irresistible enchantment.
Those compadritos who were not prestigious musicians or dancers had to make do
with their good looks, their flashiness, their boldness, their bravado and
their dagger. So it is understandable that even today most elder milongueros
have a similar number of stories and interpretations of an era which they could
hardly have heard about because of the tremendous amount of hypocrisy that was
trying to cover the sun with one finger.
It is a historical fact that the prohibitionists
did not target the lascivious closeness of the bodies, the characteristic way
the compadritos displayed their psychopathic sexuality, their loose eroticism
and their venereal petulance. It was the scent of brothel, of mental
degeneration, of alcohol haze, of erotic excesses that produced the rejection
of the persons of Tango and not of Tango itself.
All the moral disorder of the suburbs which also
included the higher class' youngsters, was caused by
the explosive material prosperity of those early years and the sudden,
unprecedented population explosion. Most Tango historians agree that the first
recognizable Tango music began to be heard in the port district of LA BOCA. In
the first decade of the century, LA BOCA had restaurants, cantinas, cafes,
bars, brothels, alcohol, sex, venereal diseases and tuberculosis. It also had a
famous intersection formed by SUAREZ and NECOCHEA streets which was the nocturnal
center of the typical Tango. Even before 1900 this famous corner was the
epicenter of the city's night life, the way the old AVENIDA CORRIENTES became
to be years later. The corner of SUAREZ and NECOCHEA was the birthplace of the
first autochthonous typical orchestras. We could say that 1900 was the
approximated date when the unexpected materialization of the first recognizable
orchestras took place. GENARO SPOSITO who would later became the idol of SAN
TELMO, EDUARDO AROLAS who would go onto reign in BARRACAS and VICENTE GRECO who
would triumph in
SAN CRISTOBAL
,
were three extraordinary bandoneon players that appeared almost at the same
time to mesmerize the porteño crowds. They, along with JUAN MAGLIO PACHO, who
later ruled the entire northern side of the city, share the enormous glory of
having contributed the sounds of the bandoneon to the vivacious music of the
initial Tango.
Chapter II
Most Tango historians agree that the period of
initial manifestation of the Tango coincides with the demise of the 19th
century. This is perhaps because that is the point in history where chronicles
of places, names, events and situations seem to have certain degree of
trustworthiness.
Several factors contributed to the gestation and
early development of the Tango, both as dance and a music.
The millions of immigrants that in a span of one hundred years emerged from the
bowels of the ships arriving to the port of Buenos Aires not only spawned the
attributes of resentment and sadness in the new Argentino, but they sowed the
seeds for the germination of the most original phenomena ever occurred along
the shores of the River Plate: the birth of Tango.
Genuine feelings are not a guarantee of genuine
reasoning so gringo immigrants and criollo descendants of the Spanish settlers
set out to look at their shared turf from different perspectives. For the
gringo it was very painful to put up with the rancor of the criollo. For the
criollo it was painful to see his land invaded by strangers. A sordid struggle
for power and control began to shape up in the outskirts of the burgeoning
city.
Against a contrast of abundance and misery, the
newer generation of mostly male population turned to the malevolent underground
where prostitution was a booming business.
The first instrumental groups known to have played
the original Tangos at the brothels, were trios
integrated by violin, flute and harp. The musicians had only rudimentary
knowledge of musical theory so the tunes the patrons requested were often
whistled or hummed into their ears. Some of the improvised tunes began to be
repeated more often and thus the primitive "tanguitos" began to form
part of the popular lore.
Tango had to sort out its way from the most sordid
and marginal crevices of the underground culture of the Buenos Aires
malevolent. Its checkered past was centered around sex
and violence, the eternal struggle for control, the search for a state of
sinister purity.
Consider the droves of lonely men whose yearning of
the nostalgia of the communion of love, entered the brothel
to resolve that yearning in an easy way. Perhaps they tried to create what they
did not have. Maybe it was a rebellious act from a tormented mind. The sexual
act devoid of love was twice as sad because it not only left the men with their
initial loneliness but it made it harder because of the frustration of the
attempt. This is perhaps one of the mechanisms that explains the sadness in the Tango, so frequently associated with despair, rancor, threat
and sarcasm.
Tango reflects the erotic resentment and in some
twisted way, the complex of inferiority of the inhabitants of the suburbs and
"arrabals". As a result of that, they exaggerated their macho
attributes to insure that nobody would put their manhood in doubt. Being
insecure, these individuals watched their behavior very carefully in front of
their peers because they felt judged and perhaps ridiculed by their peers. From
the fear of the ridicule, these men bragged, blustered and swaggered to insure
that the opinion of others was not unfavorable.
This prototype of a man became known as the
compadrito. He first began to lay the structure of the cortes and quebradas so unique in the Argentine Tango. He used his boasting moves to
set the choreography to show off, to invite competition, to confront, to
challenge himself.
It is possible that the misunderstood tale of men
dancing with men was nothing more than a game of dare and provocation, devoid
of any sexual connotations, aimed to reinforce their perceived tough macho
image.
The Tango in those early days had only access to
certain strata of society, the kind of environment patronized by the worst
criminal element and those who aspired to become one. Thus
the repeated bans and prohibitions that the Tango had to endure, not because of
what it meant as a musical expression but because of the resistance and
opposition to its people and its underworld.
The tents sprouting around the military garrisons
and the hideous night hideouts where the low class element gathered seeking
excitement and danger, introduced the female element to the equation that
eventually would create the ritual of the Tango dance between men and women.
Shortly after the 1860s the city of
Buenos Aires
occupied
just a square mile proudly exhibiting commercial venues that featured the best
of European wares patronized by elegantly dressed ladies who were the delight
the European visitors. This was a miniature center populated European style.
Outside the urban center were La Boca, Barracas, Los Corrales,
Palermo
and San Jose de Flores. Suburban
enclaves were the working class lived and played. Beyond
that, were the arrabals, the refuge of misfits. These people and places
would play a major role in the genesis of Tango.
Chapter III
Until somebody discovers unpublished documentation,
it is pure conjecture to determine what were the themes of
the first Tangos. It is common knowledge among the historians that by
1880 there were melodies that with the name of Tangos were played in the
theaters on both shores of the River Plate.
It is also accepted that they were actually
habaneras, the Cuban dance. This agrees with the belief that in those times
Tango music sheets were not published because the overwhelming majority of
musicians could not read or write music. The public performances were totally
improvised and in some cases the repetition of certain melodies were the result
of the good ear of some of these early tanguistas which allowed them to
memorize some of the most popular tunes requested by their enthusiastic
audiences.
The most common group would be a terceto, a trio of
violin, flute and harp. The harp, mainly because of its size soon would be
replaced by the guitar, an ancient instrument brought to the continent by the
Spanish conquerors.
The district of La Boca, where the immigrants from
Genoa
,
Italy
and other parts of the peninsula settled their homes, was one of the most
popular neighborhoods for the embryonic development of the Tango music. The
local youngsters had discovered the Tango as an easy way to supplement their
income by playing it at night at the many local bars and salons.
Sometimes groups would form including violin,
flute, mandolin, harmonica, harp and guitar. They would roam around. There were
no contracts at the time. Most of the time they would gather around a table or
they would just stand up with one foot against a wall and play. It was not
unusual to hear the sound of a clarinet replacing the guitar and the harmonica.
On the opposite side of town, in the neighborhood
of
Palermo
, the
pizzicato of the violins, the strumming of the guitars and the trill of the
flutes, characterized the way the popular trios expressed the Tango in a
playful, lively and roguish way. Many names became celebrities within the realm
of the interpretation of Tango music at the time . One
of the greatest attractions was the trio integrated by El Pibe (The Kid)
ERNESTO (violin), El Tano (The Italian) VICENTE (flute) y El Ciego (The Blind)
Aspiazu (guitar). The devotion that people felt for the Tango at the time was
their way to feel even more porteño.
The noisy parties in the
Palermo
district ended up most of the times
in brawls and fights of grave and serious consequences. There is a very popular
tale concerning VILLOLDO's Tango El Esquinazo, whose execution was prohibited
because the public would follow its contagious rhythm striking cups and saucers
with the spoons until the entire set of dishes was destroyed.
Gradually, those who lived and loved the night
began to look for places less frequented by the great majority, places that had
more restricted access, places located in side streets where prestigious women
offered their salons, their wine cellars, their friends and their musicians for
the entertainment of the porteños. Those were the Casas de Baile, the houses
where dancing took place. Their owners competed for the business of the many
patotas, the mob of youngsters who went out at night raising hell and having a
good time. Two very famous places have been immortalized in a Tango called
Tiempos Viejos in which the lyrics recall with nostalgia the good old times.
They were, the house of MARIA La Vasca and LAURA's
place.
Many musicians of notable aptitude and justified
reputation contributed to enhance the attraction of those dancing soirees. From
those times and places names like ROSENDO MENDIZABAL (who authored El
Entrerriano), ENRIQUE SABORIDO (author of La Morocha), El Pibe ERNESTO PONCIO,
SAMUEL CASTRIOTA (author of the melody which became the music for Mi Noche
Triste, the first Tango with lyrics that began its transformation into a
sentimental, nostalgic and sad musical expression) and others like them were
beginning to renovate and move away from the indecent and obscene nature of the
Tango titles first registered.
Gradually, the Tango was circling and inching its
way towards the center of the city. As it conquered new territory, the
in-your-face impudence of the cortes and quebradas was
being replaced by a kinder, gentler brand of music. Even the obscene verses
were giving way to innocent poetry like VILLOLDO's La Morocha, an elegy to the
dark skinned
Argentina
woman, loyal, faithful, standing by her man at the crack of dawn with a hot
mate in her hands and flashing a happy face.
Most of the lewd and lascivious references of the
original Tangos were now part of the musical shows on stage. Along this
process, the Tango still was mainly music played for dancing and to listen to.
It was not until 1917 that PASCUAL CONTURSI finally wrote a catchy love story
to the music of SAMUEL CASTRIOTA Tango Lita that caught the fancy of CARLOS GARDEL.
Changing its name to Mi Noche Triste (My Sad Night), GARDEL created a totally
new style to vocalize the antics of a pimp who being dumped by his percanta,
cries alone in a room full of the woman's memorabilia, falls asleep with the
door unlocked hoping for her return and truly believes that the bed is upset
because it misses the two of them on its top. The phenomenal success of GARDEL,
CONTURSI and Mi Noche Triste got rid of the happiness and festive nature of the
Tango and it signaled the beginning of the Tango cancion, the new paradigm
where the lyrics meant more than the music. People began to leave the dance
halls and began to gather around the victrolas to ponder about their own bad
luck and curse the tough breaks of their lives.
Chapter IV
We know that the first Tangos circulated from dance
hall to dance hall recorded in the popular memory of those who were the
frequent patrons of the outskirts nightlife. Some historians consider Tangos
from this era as a form of folkloric expression.
WITH THE ARRIVAL OF THE FIRST authored musical
sheets, the Tango entered in a period that has been widely known as La Guardia
Vieja. The Old Guard has been profusely documented in the popular literature,
in the journalistic chronicle, in the mythological anecdotes and, of course in
the work of the pioneers and their recordings. Although the beginning of this
era is not totally defined, most tend to agree that by 1924 when Vicente Greco
and Eduardo Arolas, last representatives of the Old Guard, disappear, the Guardia
Vieja stepped aside to let the new guard take over. The end of the Old Guard
was not sudden, it began to take place around 1917 when Mi Noche Triste marked
the end of a joyful Tango and began to set in motion the reign of the Tango
singer.
What characterized the Old Guard was the happy spirit and the positive and lively rhythm very similar to the agile
beat of the milonga. No one really knows which one was the first Tango but many
agree that the first composer, recognized as such because of his talent and the
reach of his work, was Angel Villoldo (1869-1919).
Although his biography remains almost secret
obscured by the darkness of the legends, we know that Villoldo did not belong
to the malicious element of the outskirts but he was actually well educated
having tried his talent as a poet and a journalist. In many of his Tangos and
in his writings he often recalled his earlier experiences as a cuarteador. The
city had some steep hills and the horse drawn carriages and the overloaded
tramways sometimes could not quite make it uphill. When this happened, they
would request a cuarta, the old days equivalent of a
tow truck. In this case, the cuarteador would ride a large horse saddled with a
sash and a thick rope that was hooked to the needed vehicle to help it
negotiate the hill or to dig it up from the dirt street. These men were good
riders, strong, virile and had a fame for being
irresistible to the siervas and chinas, the young maids and the servants from
the provinces. Sort of fun loving Don Juans but also known to be skillful with
the blade. Between jobs, the cuarteadores had time to drink mate, play the
guitar and sing. Villoldo, a talented musician would delight his listeners with
the addition of a harmonic and his fertile memory capable of remembering all
the popular songs of the time.
His fame began to expand around 1900 when Villoldo
began to frequent the cafetines of the districts of La Boca, San Telmo,
Corrales and Recoleta. Historian Francisco Garcia Gimenez indicates that the
patrons of those establishments would go berserk listening to Villoldo's own
Tangos, banging the tables with their fists and stomping the ground with their
feet while the waitresses would hit their trays with their knuckles to follow
the beat. Way before Pascual Contursi, Villoldo demonstrated a natural gift for
writing verses full of joy that kept vestiges of the simple style of the Creole
songs. But poetry was only a part of Villoldo's contribution to the Tango.
There are three memorable Tangos that bear his signature, El Choclo, El
Porteñito and El Esquinazo. These melodies were among the first ones that
drifted into the big city and the homes of the decent middle and upper class
exuding from the hand organs that many Neapolitans pushed around the barrios at
daytime.
Chapter V
To be able to succeed in
Paris
was the secret dream and the
indispensable condition of being an Argentino. The shining lights of
Paris
were powerful enough to keep
Buenos
Aires
alive across a massive body of water called the
Atlantic Ocean
. Many Tango musicians and performers made
the trek to
France
but only a few were recognized as having achieved success there. The legend of
EDUARDO AROLAS includes a chapter were his Argentino secret dream came true.
Very few individuals have reached the mythical status
given to EDUARDO AROLAS, another illustrious member of the GUARDIA VIEJA who
was known as The Tiger of the Bandoneon. A virtuoso player, a prolific composer
of Tangos that have withstood the most rigorous arrangements of the best
orchestras of all times, he contributed to a legend that still endures by
encountering an early death at age 32.
Without any doubt, EDUARDO AROLAS was one the most
innovative bandoneon players of the Old Guard and perhaps its most inspired
composer. His tangos are characterized by a deep and insinuating musicality and
some already anticipate the advent of the new composing attitude of the New
Guard.
He was born in Buenos Aires of French parents. He
learned to play by ear the concertina, the guitar and eventually the bandoneon.
In line with the characteristics of his time, AROLAS typified a new type of
Argentino, streetwise, good looking, a virile individual with a winning
attitude. He appeared on the Tango scene when the bandoneon had already taken
over the representation of the sound of Tango. He is credited with the
introduction of a new right hand phrasing and both hand variations on the
execution of the bandoneon. He was also the first one to experiment with the
cello in the typical orchestra formation.
His first Tango was UNA NOCHE DE GARUFA in 1909
when he was already performing at various cafes of La Boca district and
Avellaneda
. A friend
actually wrote down the music because he did not know musical notation. Later
FRANCISCO CANARO published the sheet music which had twenty eight subsequent
reprints, an indication of the huge success of the opera prima of Tango's first
mythical bandoneonist.
In 1913, after playing with ROBERTO FIRPO at the
ARMENONVILLE he began to play at dancing places. First with
AGUSTIN BARDI, later with ERNESTO PONZIO and finally with his own typical
orchestra.
In 1921 he traveled to
France
,
came back in to
Buenos Aires
in 1923 and soon he
returned to
Paris
where he died a year later. Alcohol and tuberculosis were the real assassins of
AROLAS to the dismay of those who have tried to invent a treacherous death to
the hands of a dejected rival.
One of his most celebrated line ups included JULIO
DE CARO on violin. In his memoirs, De Caro attests to the legendary moaning and
phrasing that the right hand of Arolas created to the amazement and admiration
of his colleagues and his audiences.
There are very few recordings of EDUARDO AROLAS,
yet he left many compositions. Some of them are, LA CACHILA, DERECHO VIEJO, PAPAS
CALIENTES, EL MARNE, RETINTIN, RAWSON, COMME IL FAUT, UNA NOCHE DE GARUFA, LA
GUITARRITA, FUEGOS ARTIFICIALES and CATAMARCA.
Chapter VI
Around 1912, the
Columbia
label had already published
recordings of the Orquesta Tipica Criolla and bandoneon player Vicente Greco.
The popularity of the new music that had expanded to Europe and North America
encouraged the pioneer recording company to release the first recordings of a
young bandoneon player, who was becoming very popular with the audiences at
diverse night clubs in
Buenos Aires
.
There was something special about the canyengue rhythm pouring out of the
bellows of Juan Maglio's bandoneon and the low class people fraternizing the seedy bars of La Boca district were mesmerized by it. The characteristic
laziness of the canyengue sound was nothing new to the groups playing around
the city but somehow Juan Maglio's music faithfully depicted the sacred joy and
festive mood of the populace at large.
The Maglio family was originally from
Italy
and in
the Maglio household there was a bandoneon. Juan Maglio, born in the
Palermo
section of
Buenos
Aires
on November 18, 1880 learned to play the
instrument watching his father play and practicing whenever his father would
leave the instrument behind to go to work. Young Juan was very inquisitive and
more than most children of his age, was given to all
kinds of games and tricks to the point that his father gave him the Italian
nickname of pazzo because of his "crazy" behavior. The neighborhood
kids, struggling with the pronunciation converted the nickname to Pacho and
this nickname stuck to his name for the rest of his life. Years later, people
would walk into a music store and ask for a "Pacho", a name that
became a symbol of a recording made for dancing. Because the
rhythm of Juan Maglio Pacho was the favorite of the dancers who trusted their
skills to any of the numerous recordings released by the
Columbia
label with the name Pacho
guaranteeing its quality.
Pacho's family could hardly afford to pay for his
musical education and a better instrument than the 13 button primitive
bandoneon owned by his father. So his father took upon himself to teach him all
he knew about the bandoneon and Juan Maglio Pacho took many menial jobs before
he decided to try his luck as a professional musician. After years of practicing
with some of his friends at home, he made his debut in the year 1899 with a
trio completed by violinist Juan Urdapilleta and guitar player Luciano Rios.
Like many groups at the time, they made the rounds of the numerous
establishments that catered to the worst elements of the
Buenos Aires
' night life. Eventually, after
incorporating a flute player, his quartet found a home at a bar called La
Paloma, located in what today is the corner of
Santa Fe
and Juan B. Justo avenues. Back
then, the waters of the Arroyo Maldonado were still flowing on the surface next
to the street that remembers a very well known Socialist political leader. This
was a very high crime neighborhood and a very dangerous place to wander around.
The talent and the sound of the groups led by Juan
Maglio Pacho were one of the first to be heard from the newly arrived
phonographs. Smelling success, in 1912, the
Columbia
label began releasing his recordings
with a special label portraying Pacho's picture and his signature. As indicated
before, asking for a Pacho at a music store became synonym of a record for
dancing.
These initial recordings afforded Pacho much
prestige and the necessary means to support one of his expensive
"hobbies", horse-betting. Soon he became the protege of the high
class of
Buenos Aires
society and his income and prestige increased even more with private
performances in the city's most exclusive residences.
Some historians credit Pacho for beginning the
acceptance of the Tango in the decent homes of both the rich and poor alike.
For the rich, the furor that Tango had caused in
Paris
was the catalyst that triggered their
own craze with the music from the most sordid and seediest corners of the city.
For the middle class, there was a natural distrust and an anticipated rejection
of the music associated with a life style that encouraged the excesses of the
easy life of the bordellos and night clubs.
Yet, thanks to the
Columbia
records and the advent of the
phonograph, for each milonga taking place at an obscene venue, there were
hundreds of dances that were taking place in the homes of the decent and hard
working middle and low income families. The special rhythm of the Pacho
orchestra had in it the newly acquired sense of joy and upbeat mood of a happy
population. Pacho was wildly accepted in the hearts and homes of the people of
Buenos Aires
.
As an interpreter, Pacho has left the memorable
recordings of Quejas de bandoneon (1927), Amurado (1927), Milonguero viejo
(1928) and other classics written by Juan de Dios Filiberto, Pedro Laurenz and
Carlos Di Sarli respectively, that many years later up until today, have become
internationally known Tangos interpreted by many of the popular orchestras of
the Golden Era. As a composer, Pacho wrote Sabado ingles, Royal Pigall and
Armenonville among the most famous Tangos later recorded by D'Arienzo, Di Sarli
and other giants of the Golden Era.
Juan Maglio Pacho, the crazy kid turned mythical
Tango pioneer passed away on July 14, 1934, at a time when the music of Buenos
Aires had began a radical transformation under the talents of Osvaldo Fresedo,
Juan Carlos Cobian and specially Julio De Caro. For the refined connoisseurs of
the Tango, Pacho's name evokes a sense of respect and admiration for a man and
an artist loyal to his musical tradition, his work and his era.
Chapter VII
The Tango dance and the Tango music sometimes are
the subject of the proverbial chicken and egg game. Who came first and how the
two forms of expressing the Argentine Tango are intertwined, can be answered by
traveling back in time with our minds trying to imagine the living conditions
and the situation of the inhabitants of the city of
Buenos Aires
on the latter part of the 19th
century.
It's very important to understand the social
structure of the city of
Buenos Aires
about the time that most educated guesses agree that the Tango appeared on the
radar screen of awareness. More important yet, is to understand the shock
produced by the overwhelming male percentage of immigrants,
that arrived to
Buenos Aires
between 1857 and 1924, on the social structure of the native population. Data
from the Immigration Department archives place the percentage of the male
population during that period at 70% . Of those, 62%
were between the ages of 21 and 40. Further, 60% of the male population
consisted of immigrants, foreigners that had come in pursue of fortunes and a
better life.
For the natives, whites and pardos (the result of
the mixing of white and Indian blood) alike, a minority in their own land, the
presence of the gringos diminished their own opportunities to make a fortune
and attain a better life. They felt that their land was being invaded, occupied
and sometimes destroyed by the immigrants, so it is logical to assume that they
set out to find ways to neutralize their social lag. Their defensive weapons
were the mockery, irony, disdain and sneer towards the gallegos (from
Spain
) and gringos (other parts of
Europe
). Those weapons were an integral part of the
social contacts between the two sectors of the population. Of all the
battlefields where the home turf "war" was waged, the one that best
served the purpose of the natives was the dance that both whites and pardos
utilized as a way to establish their superiority over the blacks and
foreigners.
We can imagine the laughable attempts of the newly
arrived immigrants facing the challenge to dance like the negros,
but lacking the necessary skills and proficiency and being ignorant about the
choreography. Then, we may understand why the dance was the best weapon used by
the natives to seek revenge for the invasion of the gringos.
The result of the social pressure that the white
natives had to bear because their jobs where being taken away by the
immigrants, produced a reaction intended to offset the predominant number of
foreigners that patronized the places of entertainment. It is believed that
such popular reaction was anonymous and massive, like an instinctive sense of
reaffirmation against the immigration avalanche, and a nationalistic
reaffirmation to counteract the smearing and destruction of their own
lifestyles at a time when the ruling class had decided to forgo the values of
the country to replace them with the foreigner's values, as a way to set new
goals and make those values symbols of progress and culture.
The whites and pardos used the dancing technique of
the negros, adjusted to their own temperament, as a
way to mock and sneer not only the negros but the gringos as well, who were
clumsy dancers of the existing choreography. That is why the dance of the white
natives was half way between the dance of the blacks and the dance of the
foreigners, and for that reason, their dance is considered the starting point
of the Argentine Tango dance.
The white native accepted and adopted the
compadrada, the ostentatious attitude that they cultivated in the rhythm, as
well as the corte and quebrada, the sudden stops and the body sways to which
they added a different content and meaning than the original form used by the negros.
Therefore, all exaggeration and excessive
impetuosity on the dance floor began to be referred to as "dancing like a
negro".
While the black dancers moved along their partners
forming a single block, performing all kinds of skillful moves, the white
native and the pardo dancers altered the choreography to become the center and
axis of the dance.
While the black moved backwards or moved to the
side and behind the partner, the white only moved forward and the side steps
were only tricks to make the woman turn from the back to the front or vice versa
but he never turned or moved behind his partner.
For the natives it was very important to dance well
because their dance represented ridicule and derision and they did not want to
be the target of their own scorn. That is why their faces were serious and
apparently worried, leading to many observers to interpret those facial
expressions as a reflection of the inner sadness of the natives.
The possibility that the birth of the Argentine
Tango may have been the result of an attempt to establish the supremacy of a
race by the use of both skillful and disdainful choreography, presents an
interesting angle to explain the longevity and resiliency of a popular artform
that has survived every attempt to destroy it, change it, buy it or bribe it
for more than one hundred years and still counting.
Chapter VIII
Most dancers who lived through the pinnacle decade
of the 40's take offense when pseudo intellectuals of the 90's consider the
brothel the craddle of the Tango. They have a right to loath those claims, but
for the wrong reasons.
Let's place ourselves in
Buenos Aires
1880-1900 and visualize a
wealthy bourgeoisie willing to prepay in gold for the services of European
artists who then would travel to the Paris of South America to perform for the
elite families in English, French or Italian. The same wealth contributed to
the construction of the Teatro Colon, a grand masterpiece of architectural
design where the greatest of foreign artists found a venue commensurate with
their celebrated talent.
Meanwhile, the rest of the population in the city
quarters and suburbs was relegated to find amusement at the popular circus and
neighborhood brothels. In particular, the brothels of the suburbs were the
antithesis of the exclusive clubs where the well to do did wherever it is that
the wealthy do in private clubs. They were also the equivalent of the Teatro
Colon and other downtown theaters in regards to the commercial aspects of
dancing and singing. The adoption of the Tango in the brothels had the purpose
to attract, maintain and increase their clientele. Thus, those musicians that
were very much in demand at the academies, cantinas and sleazy bars, found
their services sought after by the brothel managers, who paid them well for
their work.
It is imperative to establish the fact that the
exploitation of women in the houses of prostitution is morally repugnant to
society as a whole, but it is also important to recognize the hypocrisy of the
same society that tolerates it as a necessary evil. Not for nothing, it is the
oldest profession in the history of the world.
This is what exasperates many of our senior
citizens of Tango when they hear neophytes bluntly talk about the Tango being
born in the brothels. The brothel as a venue for the Tango was an obligatory
whistle-stop on the sentimental journey of the music of
Buenos Aires
. It's a moment in time that
catapulted the popularization of the Tango.
The more times change the more things stay the
same. The prostitution commerce in
Buenos
Aires
at the turn of the century offered houses for
"decent" citizens and houses for "crooks" with many
variations in between. The men from decent and elite families from the plush
neighborhoods of the city, patronized their favorite
houses of ill repute and upon their return to their social circles and abodes
brought with them the moral "stench" of a lifestyle totally opposite
to their own. That is why there was a relentless war of rejection against the
Tango, not because it was a new dance but because it was practiced in the
brothels. Wrongly so, people also associated the Tango with sex and the most
distinguished personalities of the media at the time totally denied access to
Tango related issues in the written press and the literary works until such
time when they found out that
France
rejoiced and frolicked with Tango's music and cadence.
The period of time when the Tango was a staple of
the booming prostitution business, was the time when politicians, power brokers
and sugar daddies rubbed elbows with the hustlers who had women walking the
streets and those who dreamed about reaching that status. It is during this
stage that the Tango acquired its nostalgic character seasoned with the
laughter and cavorting that surrounded it, and devoid of the sadness and misery
which existed outside the walls of the brothel. The gloomy images of the houses
of prostitution projected by those who did not live the times, coincide with
the era in which the morals of the bourgeoisie hid the brothels behind tall
walls and monitored the age of the clientele as if the sexual act required the
protection of a wall and the approval of the police.
This legislation of behavior by the bourgeoisie of
Buenos Aires brought such a sense of "decency" to the exercise of
prostitution that the brothel ended up being the complete negation of its
ostensible function, that of providing sexual relief to the lonely men from
over the world who landed in Buenos Aires.
Progress brought along sadness by nullifying the
brothel's purpose and snuffing the happiness that it provided. To have a
working woman meant social prestige and financial freedom for the youngsters of
the slums. That or to be a lunfa, an ingenious thief. The other options were to
be a slave of a menial job and having to pay for sex. Indeed, two very good
reasons to grab the guitar and sing the blues.
Chapter IX
As we approach the turn of a new milennium, not
enough has been said about an era where the roots of the Argentine Tango found
fertile ground to grow deep into the essence of the inhabitants of the city of
Buenos Aires
. On the
other hand, pharisee chants both inside and outside the sentimental variables
of the Tango equation plead to portray a much more universal, perhaps
politically correct reincarnation of the Tango with anything but 1890-1950
Buenos Aires references.
Since the early days of its existence,
Buenos Aires
has been a
disconcerting paradox. Far from being picturesque and tropical, French
boulevards mixed with Italian housing echoing a language spoken with pure
Spanish accent by the porteños, who dressed like Europeans but acted like
themselves.
In his book Buenos Aires Yesteryear, publisher
Manrique Zago says that "married couples had numerous children up to
sixteen," who in turn after they married lived together with their parents
or settled down in neighboring blocks of buildings with internal doors
connecting them as a beehive.
Social life, bustle on the streets and life in the
tenements were as intense as the sum of nationalities that populated the
conventillos. The cacophony of accents and dialects was altering the purity of
the language to create the unique porteño sound that it is an idiom in itself.
Time, inscrutable and inexorable as it is, allows
the use of "new" and "old" to define what it is
"now" and what was "then." As the tales of Tango history
began to unravel, the early musicians and composers at the turn of the century
were classified as members of the Old Guard when a new generation became to be
known as the New Guard.
As we ready to move on with our tales of Tango
history, a question lingers in our mind. What is the legacy that the Old Guard
has bestowed upon the Tango generations of the future? Perhaps, a review of the
pillars of the Old Guard will shed some light, comfort us into a new age and
guide us into understanding that it is wise to know where things come from
before we attempt to decide where they will go.
It's very unlikely that the individuals that
produced some of the best Tango compositions in the early days ever imagined
that 100 years later, the sounds they created would reverberate in homes, dance
halls and on stages all over the world.
Time after time, a vision of a guitar playing,
harmonica blowing troubadour Angel Villoldo, a composer of joyful lyrics and
contagious melodies with airs of rural tones, comes to mind whenever El choclo
is played. Is it important that they had to introduce it as a "cancion
criolla" to circumvent the moral restrictions that the society had placed
on the Tango?
That was a time when there were no royalties to
collect or copyrights to protect. Musicians like Rosendo Mendizabal, (arguably
the best pianist of the Old Guard, a descendant of slaves, heir to his
grandmother's substantial fortune, an uncontrollable spendthrift, who spent
most of his life playing piano at brothels and clandestine houses of ill
repute, and ended up his days in a room of a conventillo of the lowest
category) named their Tangos after generous patrons who would slip them
"cien pesos" in return. Who knows what 100 pesos bought back then. So one day a guy from the
province
of
Entre Rios
unwittingly gave Mendizabal the name for that classic of classics, El
entrerriano.
Ernesto Ponzio started when he was a kid. So he
became known as El Pibe Ernesto and he earned a living playing at brothels. In
1905, maybe some big belly slob inspired him to compose El Panzudo. Years later
when Hansen's, closer to the center of the city, became THE place to be, he
changed the name of his Tango to honor a "regular" patron by the name
of Don Juan. Ernesto, the kid, occupies his place in history because of just
one Tango, his craftiness with the violin and possibly because of his fame as a
pistol whipping thug who spent a considerable amount of time in jail because of
his short temper and reputation as a hit man for hire.
Vicente Greco found a bandoneon that an ambulant
serenader left behind on the patio of the conventillo when he was chased away
by the police. The son of immigrants, he grew up in a conventillo. As a
musician he started in the tough cafetines of the Italian district of La Boca
and gradually his talent helped him moved closer to the city. Legendary
bailarin Casimiro El Vasco Ain came looking for him and took him to Salon La
Argentina
, most
commonly known as Rodriguez Peña, the name of the street where it was located. Greco's
legacy is prolific, La viruta, Racing Club, El flete (recently featured in
Sally Potter's movie The Tango Lesson), Ojos negros and..., yes, Rodriguez Peña.
In July of 1931, the orchestras of Francisco
Canaro, Francisco Lomuto, Julio De Caro, Ricardo Brignolo, Edgardo Donato,
Ernesto de la Cruz and Juan Maglio Pacho, gathered at a
Buenos Aires
radio station for a benefit
concert for Domingo Santa Cruz, a Tango legend who was laying in a hospital bed
without a penny to his name. One month later,
Santa Cruz
passed away without being able to
get up to thank the colleagues who had managed to raise a substantial amount of
money for him. During the government of populist president Hipolito Yrigoyen,
the "radicales," followers of the Union Civica Radical political
party that had catapulted Yrigoyen to power, adopted Santa Cruz's Tango Union
Civica as their hymn although the musician had written it at an earlier time in
honor of a political leader from another party called Union Civica Nacional.
Who can ignore Francisco Canaro? The Uruguay born
Tango entrepreneur built his first violin out of a wooden stick, an oil can and
a makeshift bow at an oil can manufacturer's plant where he worked as a
youngster. Later when he could afford it, he bought a real violin and he began
playing at the brothels in the small towns outside the city of
Buenos Aires
. In 1910, during the celebration
of
Argentina
's
first 100 years, he was already playing with Vicente Greco. Soon he formed his
own group and continued to build a dynasty by having at times three different
orchestras bearing his name and playing at venues of different categories. He
made the news in 1925 when he agreed to dress his musicians with colorful
gaucho costumes in order to satisfy the requirements impressed upon him by the
promoters of a
Paris
establishment. With his lack of scruples he made the statement that show
business was more important than the music itself. His name has been tainted
with the dubious allegation that he authored many Tangos which common knowledge
attributed to "ghost" composers, called "black authors" who
composed for others. His fantasy dream was that Sentimiento gaucho, his most
popular Tango, would displace La cumparsita as THE tango par excellence.
Although that'll never happen, Canaro left classics such as La tablada, Nueve
puntos, El pollito and El chamuyo.
Perhaps, and because he is one of the few of the
Old Guard who never directed an orchestra, Agustin Bardi became the favorite
author of the leaders of the orchestras with the richer sounds beginning with
De Caro, continuing with Troilo, and reaching the pinnacle with Pugliese,
Salgan, Basso and Gobbi.
There is no recorded evidence of his talent as an
interpreter yet his compositions have melodic richness, excellent harmony and
spellbinding rhythm. Think Bardi when you hear Gallo ciego, Que noche, Lorenzo
and Nunca tuvo novio. Pugliese and Salgan each dedicated one tango to him:
Adios Bardi and Don Agustin Bardi
We maybe did not know it but every day we live the
Tango, one way or another, we are being blessed by the legacy of the men who
the impatience of youth dubbed them The Old Guard.
Chapter X
The bandoneon is a musical instrument solely
associated with the Tango. Same as the music it represents, the bandoneon has
an uncertain origin. At least, its arrival to the
port
of
Buenos Aires
is shrouded in mystery and conjectures. How it became the instrument of choice
for the interpretation of Tango is a major ingredient in the rich collection of
Tango tales that people like to delve into.
What is certain and widely recognized is that there
is one name who meets the ideal conditions for being the player sine qua non of
the bandoneon. His name is Pedro Maffia, the kid from the
Flores
neighborhood, the poet of the bandoneon. To talk about Pedro Maffia, as
historians and true connoisseurs of the artistic musical expression of the
Tango do, is to define a revolutionary stylist, to identify the promoter of a
systematic study of the instrument, to recognize his talent as a composer and
creator. In Pedro Maffia converged the hard art of the technique, the natural
inspiration and a constant desire of upward improvement.
It was the late Luis Adolfo Sierra, lawyer,
historian and investigator, who named Maffia, the poet of the bandoneon. The
facts confirm the contention about the prodigious musician, who is considered
the best bandoneon player of all times by the experts who study these things.
The overwhelming proof of Maffia's creativity is on
the list of titles he left behind: Pelele, Sentencia, La Mariposa, Te aconsejo
que me olvides, Amurado and Tiny are among the best known Tangos he wrote.
Born in
Buenos
Aires
in 1899 from immigrant parents, Pedro was
exposed to a legendary generation of troubadours that used to gather at his
father's bar. His interest for music began at a very early age and he studied
the piano. Soon it became evident that his talent was very special and also he
began to realize that the piano was not his preferred instrument.
As it is very much characteristic of most men of
Buenos Aires
, the early
and long lasting experiences that signal the directions of their future transit
through life, are presented by our fathers. Don Angel Maffia took 12 year old
Pedro to the cafe Gariboto, a very popular Tango night club, to hear Juan
Maglio Pacho play. Pacho had created an enormous amount of excitement among
Tango lovers of his time, because of his use of the bandoneon added a
contagious melody that drove people to the dance floor. His first recordings
had become a success. Music stores would quickly sell out the latest Pacho
recordings as soon as they were released. The experience of listening to Juan
Maglio Pacho live, would identify Pedro Maffia for the
rest of his life. The morning of January 6, 1912, the traditional Dia de Reyes,
Pedro found a brand new bandoneon on the pair of shoes he had left outside the
door, courtesy of Melchor, Gaspar and Baltasar, the Three Wise Men.
The subtle suggestion of his father sent Pedro
Maffia on his way to master the instrument that would convert him into the sole
and true man of the vanguard that the Tango ever had. Learning was not easy
because the talent of young Pedro soon overcame that of his various teachers.
In a short time he had acquired an uncanny mastery of the bandoneon keys. A bit
frustrated by the lack of a better professor and an adequate method to continue
the studies of the instrument, Pedro Maffia resorted to his old piano books and
proceeded to incorporate them to the systematic study of the instrument. The
experience proved to be very fruitful because he developed a perfect
digitization on his left hand, a breakthrough totally unheard of at the time.
He made his professional debut while still not
turning thirteen playing at a movie house. Then he moved to bars and other places
not quite appropriate for his age. By 1914 he recorded his first record with a
trio. Next year he ventured as a soloist at a cafe in the barrio of Villa
Crespo. There he became known as El Pibe de Flores, perhaps to tell him apart
from another Kid, the one from La Paternal, Osvaldo Fresedo. He continued
playing at various cafes and bars, and traveled to the interior of
Argentina
. It
was in a town called Punta Alta where he met Roberto Firpo with whom he played
for one year. From a business point of view, it was a successful engagement
crowned with tours, theater presentations and recordings. However Maffia could
not adapt to the
school
of
Roberto Firpo
.
With a name already in the making, Pedro Maffia
joined Julio De Caro, Jose Maria Rizzutti and Jose Rosito to play at cafe El
Parque, where he presented his first composition, Pelele. There, he later
co-authored Tiny with Julio De Caro. Eventually the group dissolved and by 1920
Maffia rejoined Roberto Firpo, but a year later he would leave him for good, although
he continued recording with Firpo until 1927. During this period his activity
was very intense, traveling to
Rosario
,
playing in cabarets and integrating several orchestras.
But it was in 1923 when he became a member of a
group that completely changed the history of playing styles in Tango music. The
talented pianist and composer Juan Carlos Cobian put together a sextet that
would become an important historical ensemble. Maffia and
Luis Petrucelli on bandoneons, Agesilao Ferrazzano and Julio De Caro on violins
and Humberto Costanzo on bass. The orchestra lasted a short time because
Cobian unexpectedly left half way through the season at Cafe Abdullah, but it
set the foundation for what later would be called the "Decarean" era
in which Maffia was a fundamental protagonist. A few months later, a quintet
was formed with Julio, Francisco and Emilio De Caro, Maffia and Petrucelli.
This would become the point of departure of the only one and real Tango vanguard.
When bassist Ruperto Thompson joined the group, the typical sextet formation
became the norm for any future orchestras.
When Petrucelli and De Caro did not agree on
certain terms, Pedro Laurenz was called to sit next to Pedro Maffia and become
part of the most celebrated bandoneon duos of all times, Los dos Pedros.
In 1926 Maffia left the sextet and formed his own
with a young cadre of promising musicians, Elviro Vardaro and Cayetano Puglisi
on violins, Alfredo De Franco on the second bandoneon, Francisco De Lorenzo on
bass and Osvaldo Pugliese on piano. Through various personnel changes, the
sextet conserved the creative spirit that its conductor had established as they
played at movie houses, carnaval balls and for Brunswick Records. More than a
monetary purpose, the orchestra seemed to be guided by the sheer pleasure of
playing Tangos.
In 1932, Maffia won first prize with his Tango
Ventarron at a contest organized by the Colon Theater. He was part of the
stable of talent at Radio Belgrano and by 1935 he became a member of the
celebrated orchestra Los Cinco Ases de Pebeco, joining ace bandoneonists Pedro
Laurenz, Ciriaco Ortiz and Carlos Marcucci and pianist Sebastian Piana.
With the onset of the '40s decade, Maffia saw his
unique style being run over by the invasion of foreign rhythms so he decided to
retire. The postwar music had changed in ways, that according to the Decarean school, had hurt the essence of the Tango.
Maffia turned his energies to teaching bandoneon
players and he became the first master teacher at the prestigious Music Conservatory
Manuel de Falla.
In 1950 he briefly attempted a comeback putting
together an orchestra integrated by exceptional musicians with memorable
results, but the times were not prime for the Tango so
he went back to his voluntary ostracism.
On October 16, 1967 the unmistakable voice of his
bandoneon went silent forever. Pedro Maffia, the one and only, the great, the
authentic poet of the bandoneon had passed away.
Chapter XI
The creation of Tangos in the early days was mostly
the result of sheer inspiration and good ears by the likes of Eduardo Arolas,
Agustin Bardi, Roberto Firpo and others, but Juan Carlos Cobian, the aristocrat
of Tango, is credited with being the first Tango composer.
His aristocratic pretensions along with a refined
good taste for musical technique allowed him to create Tango music that was
very much appreciated by the high society of
Buenos Aires
, whose members were as
comfortable in a cabaret as in a box seat at the Teatro Colon.
Not quite 8 years old, in 1904,
young Juan Carlos sat at home watching an older sister take piano lessons. Shortly after, while mother Cobian listened from the
kitchen, he had replaced his sibling taking lessons from the private teacher.
Eventually, when the family found out about the swap, they decided to send
Cobian to
Bahia Blanca
.
It is uncanny to realize that Cobian graduated from the same
Williams
Conservatory
in
Bahia Blanca
as Carlos Di Sarli. When his mother passed away, he was eighteen. He moved to
Buenos Aires
to try his
luck. Like most aspiring musicians, the work was meager and the pay
insignificant.
Soon he met Eduardo Arolas and through him he
became more familiar with other established names. In 1913 Cobian replaced
Roberto Firpo in orchestra of Tano Genaro.
At age 23, some of Cobian's Tangos, in particular
El motivo to which Pascual Contursi wrote the lyrics of Pobre paica, were
causing a wave of protests among many musicians who could not comprehend the
advanced orthodoxy and the boldness of the passages written for the piano. In
particular, Francisco Canaro refused to play any of Cobian's Tangos because he
questioned the actual authenticity of Cobian's work.
A talented pianist, Cobian added new concepts to
the composition and interpretation of the Tango. He utilized a more elevated
musical dialect than the musicians at the time were used to; in his
compositions the canyengue disappeared and a new unusual melody line began to
surface. In his time, Juan Carlos Cobian was at the helm of the vanguard
movement integrated by Osvaldo Fresedo, Enrique Delfino and Julio and Francisco
De Caro.
Perhaps he did not advance as far on the road to
renovation because he wanted to compose what he felt and not what would please
the masses. However the incomprehension of those who should have comprehended him
never stopped him in his quest for excellence.
In 1936 he wrote two of the classics of Tango,
Nostalgias and Niebla del Riachuelo. In 1942 Anibal
Troilo reprised Los dopados, which Cobian had written in 1922, with new lyrics
by Enrique Cadicamo and a more politically correct title, Los mareados.
They have called Cobian, the aristocrat of Tango.
The nickname is meant to describe his contribution to bringing a higher
artistic hierarchy to the Tango, giving it a musical dressing that would allow
it to inaugurate the process of development of the renovation currents.
Cobian introduced radical variations in the
function of the piano within the typical orchestra. He incorporated new
modicums for the left hand, filling in with bass embellishments the silences
created by the melodic pauses. The piano had been reduced until then to provide
the rhythmic beat to the strict chords of the orchestra. Now he had set the
foundation for a harmonious support function for the piano. Francisco De Caro
gave it its final structure later on. From this seed later emerged one of the
greatest Tango pianists of all time, Osvaldo Pugliese.
Cobian was a composer with a tendency to what
became known as Tango Romanza, a very particular style typified by Mi refugio,
La casita de mis viejos and Los dopados.
His mark as an orchestra leader is not as profound
as the other members of his generation, Fresedo, De Caro, Maffia, because of
the special attraction he had for the opposite sex and a penchant for
traveling, which most of the time were hand in hand. Love was one of the
reasons for a trip to
New York
.
The affair ended soon, but the city kept him captive for almost four years.
When he returned to
Buenos Aires
the great musician in him emerged with splendor. From the
USA
, Cobian
acquired a taste for the jazz genre that he interpreted with the soul of a
black musician.
But Cobian had the obsession to play Tangos in
New York
and with that
thought in mind he became part of the Orquesta Tipica Victor in 1921. The
recording label had found a money making formula by putting together a typical
sextet, with two bandoneons, Pedro Maffia and Luis Petrucelli,
that gave the ensemble a very particular sonority and a distinctive
style. The violin of Julio De Caro added its already classic sound. Historians
place the sextet of Juan Carlos Cobian within the general intentions and
musicality of Osvaldo Fresedo, but because of the instrumental treatment of
many new musical ideas, Cobian's orchestra was considered at the opposite end
of the spectrum from the close ortodoxy of Juan Maglio Pacho, Francisco Canaro,
Francisco Lomuto and Agustin Berto.
It is in 1923 that Cobian plays in one of his last
public presentations his Tango Viaje al Norte (Northbound trek), and soon he is
on a ship
New York
bound. In doing so, he deserted a talented group of musicians he had gathered
for a major performance at a posh club in the center of
Buenos Aires
. Most of the integrants of the
orchestra decided to stay together and they looked up to a 24 year old to
become their leader. On the basic structure of that orchestra, violinist Julio
De Caro brings his two brothers, Emilio on violin and Francisco on piano and
sets himself to bring the Tango to a higher musical category. First, the
orchestra had the temperamental influence of Pedro Maffia. Later, when Maffia
departed, Pedro Laurenz took his place and initiated a period which is most
representative and has a major artistic transcendence. The process of
renovation of the Tango is now unstoppable. From then on, traditionalists and
renovators will follow totally different paths and the future of the Tango will
have no limit.
Cobian left memorable compositions, Mi refugio, Los
dopados,
Bohemia
,
A pan y agua, Shusheta and others, but his legacy was the "Cobian
style," a style that gave Tango its melody, a style that from the piano
gave a new rhythmic registration to the typical orchestra. With Cobian, the 2
by 4 beat was replaced by the 4 by 8, and along the way a major scission
divided the Tango forever.
The works of Cobian's were directly influenced by
the European music. From the French romanza he got his form; his temperament
was a consequence of his sure instinct for musical beauty; and his spirituality
contributed to a rich creative talent which characterized his style as a composer.
He contributed to create a tendency to cultivate a
melodical aspect of the Tango never considered before. Subsequently, he was
instrumental in defining a new configuration for the Tango romanza and in
cooperation with Enrique Cadicamo he enriched the Tango cancion.
His experience as leader of his own sextet set the
stage for the renovation in styles consolidated later by Osvaldo Fresedo and
Julio De Caro. His gifted talent as a piano player added substantial musical
contents to the labor of both the left and right hands in the execution of
accompaniment and solos respectively, and showed the way to an incredible
paradigma where Francisco De Caro and Osvaldo Pugliese later traveled far into
their own place in Tango history.
Chapter XII
Toward the end of the first thirty years of this
century, just about every Tango orchestra in
Buenos Aires
sounded very much alike. The
original sound that was born out of nothing, the heroic roving trios that
perched on the corners of tough neighborhoods, the artistic innovation that
incorporated the bandoneon and the famous quartets, seemed to have ended on a
long road to musical boredom.
To be fair, every ensemble had a leader and
everyone attempted to add a bit of their own personal touch, but in general,
the styles of the orchestras were so similar that it was hard to tell apart the
works of Vicente Greco, Juan Maglio Pacho, Roberto Firpo, Francisco Canaro or
Augusto Berto.
Julio De Caro emerged from a group of young and
talented musicians and his sextet broke ranks with the traditional style and
led a genuine opening into renovation which many call a revolution that saved
the Tango from oblivion. Yet, De Caro did not discard what others had done
before. His sextet gave new life to some of the greatest creations of Eduardo
Arolas and Agustin Bardi, and they coexisted with the new found beauty of the
romantic melodies emanating from the creative muse of Juan Carlos Cobian,
Osvaldo Fresedo, and Enrique Delfino.
In the times of Eduardo Arolas, the level of
illiteracy in
Buenos Aires
was very high. Very few people stayed in school beyond third grade. Thus his
music suited very well the simple minds of the audiences. When the ruling class
established mandatory public school, the popular culture grew up and the music of
the tanguitos of Arolas began to be insufficient for the larger intellectual
capacity of the new audiences. The Argentine Tango began this way a musical
evolution that paralleled the cultural evolution of the porteño. Yet the
changing Tango continued to be Tango, the same way that an newly educated porteño continued being porteño.
A major renovation in the Tango music took place in
the mid 1920's and history identifies Julio De Caro as the supreme priest of
the vanguard. This word vanguard, had been used mostly
in military lingo to identify what it is up front, at the leading edge of the
battlefield. With the stellar appearance of Julio De Caro, the history of the
Tango has since been divided in two major hemispheres, the pre and post De Caro
era. At the helm of the renovation, the sextet lead by Julio De Caro paved the
way for many other innovators who continued to advance, faithful to their
commitment to always be ahead of the rest.
The concepts and style which have become to be
known as integral parts of the Decarean school, constituted a standard by which
all instrumental renovation of the Tango has been measured, both in terms of
authenticity and naturalness.
In a very simple way, the Decarean concept was to
embellish the melody of the Tango. He wrote in his memoirs about the time when
as a third violin for one of Juan Carlos Cobian's recording sessions, he found
a section of one of the Tangos to be very poor. With no time to write a new
arrangement, De Caro decided to embellish the melody by adding a violin
counterpoint. The addition had very good acceptance but when Cobian found out that the daring modification had not been done by neither of his
top ranking violin players, but by young De Caro, rather than praising the
initiative, he admonished him reminding him about who was the boss. This
reprimand in lieu of a praise prompted 24 year-old De Caro to walk out of the
Cobian sextet.
He took with him bandoneon players Pedro Maffia,
Luis Petrucelli; he called upon his brother Francisco to play the piano, he
drafted Leopoldo Thompson to play the bass and he brought yet another brother,
Emilio as a second violin.
Historian Luis Adolfo Sierra has written perhaps
one of the most celebrated hyperbole about the De Caro tendencies, "some
of the most valuable contributions that those real innovators introduced in the
execution of the Tango are the harmonic accompaniment of the piano, the
phrasing and variations of the bandoneons, the counterpoint of the violin
knitting melodies of pleasant contrast with the central theme, plus the piano
and bandoneon solos expressed with a harmonic and sonorous richness never heard
before then."
Jose Gobello, president of the Academia del
Lunfardo says that what it is most recognizable of the De Caro sextet, is the intention to synthesize the street savvy with
the romanticism, the rusticity of the slums with the refinement of the
conservatories.
In fact, it appears that while Julio De Caro
represented the blustery aspect of the Tango music as his creation Mala Junta
seems to prove, brother Francisco, with his classic
Flores Negras, embodied the new romantic aspect of the music that was beginning
to worry the traditionalists. It was a statement that the De Caro brothers were
making; the destiny of the Tango was in the music, not in the dance or the
singing.
The Sexteto Tipico of Julio De Caro made its debut
in 1924 at a salon called Cafe Colon. This typical formation became the
standard for year to come, two bandoneons, two violins, a piano, and a
contrabass. Soon, several high class salons and some of the most important
movie houses secured the services of the sextet for long periods of time.
The Decarean school was admired by some and
resisted by others. It divided the entire future of the Tango music into two
tendencies totally opposed to each other. Both the public and the artists had,
from then on, to adopt one tendency or the other to express and feel the Tango.
The evolutionists and the traditionalists took different roads to make their
contribution to the history of the instrumental Tango.
From Pacho To Piazzolla, tales of Tango history, a series of notes published in El Firulete, The Argentine Tango
Magazine, soon to be released in book form.
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